WHO

‘Planter’ is a 17th century (Elizabethan) term meaning ‘colonist’, someone who plants a colony. The New England Planters were the first sizable group of English-speaking people to inhabit Nova Scotia, as such, they represent the first significant Anglophone immigration into Canada.” (Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848")

The term “Planter” … was also used specifically to describe settlers recruited by private and public agencies to occupy areas of the British Empire.

New England immigrants to the old province of Nova Scotia in the period between 1759 and 1767 were “planters” in both senses of the word. They were part of the frontier movement of settlement typical of the land-hungry Yankees, and they were specifically invited by Governor Lawrence to secure the vacant province for the British Empire. Under proclamations issued in 1758 and 1759, and circulated widely in New England, Lawrence offered free land and attractive terms (including an elected assembly and freedom of religion) to Protestants willing to move to Nova Scotia. Over 2000 New England heads of household and their families took advantage of the invitation and “planted” themselves in the British provinces. (Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848")

The Planter Families of our Region
(updated by Gordon Haliburton, Wolfville Historical Society)

The family names are listed here according to the township in which they first settled, but of course they moved about the area and to other parts of Nova Scotia, and so their descendants are scattered far and wide throughout North America and beyond. Some of these families ceased in the male line but the females married and had descendants by another name.

These people came from New England, as far as we can be sure that they actually took up their grants and made farms. They may represent a family group of father and sons, or of brothers, or even a widow and her young children. There may be families not listed here for one reason or another. If you think your family should be among those listed here, and is not, let us know.

Some of the heads of families were disbanded New England soldiers who had served in Nova Scotia during the Seven Years War (1754-1763). They had been posted in such places as Annapolis Royal, Grand Pré, Pisiquid and Fort Cumberland. They were acquainted with the countryside and knew well the value of the farmlands in these regions.

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WHAT

The New England Planters who came to Nova Scotia were descendants of the Puritans. The New England Planters represented the bottom 1/3 of New England society. About 8,000 came representing some 1,500 families. The chief occupation was farming, although there were fisherman as well. (Courtesy of Margaret Conrad)

Character & Appearance

“The New England Planters, . . . because of his love of the soil, sobriety, industry and thrift would be a most acceptable immigrant.” (Courtesy of R.S. Longley in "The Coming of the New England Planters to the Annapolis Valley")

The best existing description of the physical attire of the New England Planters comes from John Robinson and Thomas Rispin (two Englishmen) who made a journey through Nova Scotia in 1774.

“The men wear their hair queu’d, and their clothing, except on Sundays, is generally home made, with checked shirts; and, in winter, they wear linsey-woolsey shirts, also breeches, stockings and shoes; instead of which, in summer, they have long trowsers, that reached down to their feet. They dress exceedingly gay on a Sunday and they wear the finest cloth and linen. Many of them wear ruffled shirts, who during the rest of the week, go without their shoes and stockings: and there is so great a difference in their dress, that you would scarce know them to be the same people.

The women, in general, (except on Sundays) wear woolseys, both for petticoat and aprons; and instead of stays, they wear a loose jacket, like a bedgowns. The women, in summer, in imitation of the men, usually go without stockings or shoes, and many without caps. They take much pains with their hair, which they tie in their necks, and fix to the crown of their heads. Nor are they on the Sabbath less gay than the men, dressing for the most part in silks calicoes, with long ruffles; their hair dressed high, and many without caps. . . . We ever thought, in the article of dress, they outdid the good women of England."

- (John Robinson and Thomas Rispin, Journey Through Nova-Scotia Containing A Particular Account of the Country and its Inhabitants (Sackville, 1981) 26-27.

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WHERE (MIGRATION ROUTES)

“Most of the Planter townships were based on either agriculture or the fishery, . . . ." (Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848"); Many of the Agricultural Townships were founded on former Acadian agricultural centres.

Agricultural Townships

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WHEN AND WHY

“The Acadian deportation was the first stage of a two-part programme; the second was British settlement of the vacated Acadian lands to solidify possession of Nova Scotia" ((Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848")

In 1758, the Board of Trade in Halifax wrote to Governor Charles Lawrence stressing the importance of settling the Acadian lands. They urged him to place advertisements throughout New England giving a physical description of the available land and containing, as well, a declaration that he was ready to entertain settlement proposals. And to underscore the connection between settlement and representational government, the Board also gave Lawrence an ultimatium to call an (elective) Assembly, which he finally agreed to do.

The first assembly convened on October 1, 1758. Ten days later Lawrence issued a proclamation, published in the leading New England newspapers, describing the Acadian lands and soliciting proposals for settlement. This promoted a deluge of questions from prospective settlers, which Lawrence answered in a second proclamation dated 11, January 1759. (Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848"))

The proclamation came at an opportune time. Louisburg had fallen the previous summer, removing the last pillar of French strength in the region. But perhaps even more importantly, conditions in New England were favourable for emigration to Nova Scotia. The older, settled areas of New England had become overcrowded, and land was at a premium. (Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848")

Lawrence’s second proclamation touched off a flurry of activity in New England. Prospective settlers formed associations and selected agents . . . Accompanied by surveyor-general Charles Morris, they set out from Halifax in an armed government vessel to investigate potential sites in the Bay of Fundy. The immigration began in earnest in 1760. (The year) 1768 is generally thought to mark the end of significant Planter immigration to Nova Scotia. That year the Treaty of Fort Stanwix opened up the Ohio country and New England’s mounting population found a new release in westward expansion.(Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848").

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HOW

The surplus popuation “swarmed” and went off to found new communities and townships. The method of migration was patterned on the New England Town Meeting. A group wishing to move met in some convenient place, elected a moderator and clerk, appointed a committee of management, and decided upon fees. The committee in turn employed agents to negotiate the necessary land grants, and to arrange for the “trek”. It was in the midst of all this activity that lands in Nova Scotia were opened for settlement. (Courtesy of R.S. Longley in "The Coming of the New England Planters to the Annapolis Valley"))

Townships were being established to contain 100,000 acres. Land would be granted according to the grantee’s ability to enclose and cultivate it. Every head of a family was entitled to received 100 acres of wild land for himself and 50 acres for each member of his household. No quick rent (land tax) would be charged for the first 10 years; after that it would be one shilling for each 50 acres. The grantee would be required to plant, cultivate and improve one-third of his holdings each decade until all was under cultivation. To prevent speculation, no person could receive more than 1000 acres. As to the government, the Province had an Assembly, and every township with at least 50 families had the privilege of electing two members to it, the courts were like those of New England. Religious freedom was enjoyed by all Protestants who were allowed to build their own Meeting Houses and choose their own ministers.(Courtesy of R.S. Longley in "The Coming of the New England Planters to the Annapolis Valley")

In agricultural townships, land was theoretically parcelled out in the following way. The town plot consisted of one-half acre family lots arranged in squares around two or more central parades, usually in line. This allowed people to assemble conveniently for town meetings or, more importantly, for defence. The town plot also contained lots for a church, minister’s house, and a school. In addition to his town plot, each Planter received a farm lot, dyke lot and uncleared woodland totaling 55 acres or more, depending on the township. The actual settlement pattern did not rigidly follow these models. The town plots were never developed, and the Planters quickly consolidated their scattered holdings. (Courtesy of Parks Canada brochure, "The New England Planters")

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POLITICS

The Planter form of government was to be one of the most distinguishing features of their cultural legacy. In New England, the township, through the instruments of town meeting and the local election of officials, was the key element of political life. Despite Lawrence’s assurance in the second proclamation that the Planters could expect to find the same form of government in Nova Scotia, they encountered instead a central government anxious to extend its influence. At first, the townships did have real power. They selected local officals, allotted land, and provided for the poor. However, in 1765 the government at Halifax introduced “An Act for the Choice of Town Officers and regulating Town ships”, which set the form of local government for over a century. It empowered the Grand Jury to nominate people for local offices, with the final selection to be made by the Court Quarter Sessions. This effectively gave the power of selection to the local government. In 1767, the government further extended its control by assuming responsibility for granting land in the townships. All that remained of township powers was responsibility for the poor.(Courtesy of Parks Canada brochure, "The New England Planters")

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RELIGION

The emphasis on local control in New England was also evident in religion. Most Planters were Protestant Dissenters, primarily Congregationalists who stressed the role of the local congregation in church affairs. Although the Nova Scotia government did not interfere overtly in the Planters’ religious affairs, it did endeavour to consolidate the position of the established church by encouraging the appointment of Anglican missionaries to the new townships. Planter settlements were often small and scattered so it proved difficult to support churches and ministers. There were only eight Congregational churches in Nova Scotia by 1770 and these were supported by financial contributions from New England.

The meager church leadership was lost during gthe American Revolution (1775-1783). Church ministers were sympathic to the Republican cause and most returned to New England. Weakened, the church was influenced by the Great Awakening, a religious movement that carried over to Nova Scotia by Henry Alline of Falmouth. Alline’s Newlights benefited from an organizational flexibility that was lacking in the Congregationalist Church. There was no formal ordination process, the minsters were itinerant; and services were held any day of the week the preacher visited. By the end of the American Revolution, the Newlights had made serious inroads on Congregationalism. (Courtesy of Parks Canada brochure, "The New England Planters")

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EDUCATION

As in other facets of Planter life, frontier conditions mitigated against the development of educational institutions. Halifax might possess some private schools, and the rich might be able to send their children to England to study, but there were many obstacles for the Planters. Apart from the obvious financial burden, the substantial distances between farms posed a practical constraint. Also, with chronic labour shortages in both agriculture and the fishery, school-age children were needed on the farms and aboard the schooners. The struggle for existence took precedence over the need for an education. (Courtesy of James E. Candow from "Conversion: The New England Planters in Nova Scotia, 1959-1848"))

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NEUTRALITY AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

Perhaps the central phenomenon in the history of the New England Planters was their neutrality during the American Revolution . . . . Poverty, geography, and the British naval power were stacked against the revolutionary cause . . . . Another significant factor was the Great Awakening. Towards the end of the Revolution, many Planters actually became pro-British as a result of destructive raids by American privateers (Courtesy of Parks Canada brochure, "The New England Planters")

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RELATIONSHIPS WITH BLACKS AND MI'KMAQ

A few Planters had enslaved Black servants but most Blacks in this area came as Loyalists (freed Blacks or servants). (Courtesy of Margaret Conrad)

Until 1760 the Mi’kmaq maintained territorial control over most parts of Nova Scotia. During the late 18th and early 19th centuries this situation was irrevocably shattered and, as the non-native population increased, the settlers’ fear of the Mi’kmaq people receded. Immigrants and colonial officials, who had long since considered the Mi’kmaq an impedient to economic expansion, could now afford to ignore them. Although government officials in Halifax would have preferred to see the Mi’kmaq disappear by intermarrying with the Europeans, the Mi’kmaq as a culturally distinct people survived and officals were confronted with determining how to deal with them.

Some Mi’kmaq attempted to make that decision for the government by petitioning the Lieutenant-Governor for title to lands that they and their kinspeople had inhabited before the arrival of the Europeans. Mi’kmaq land petitions to government between 1784 and 1830 reveal a conflict between an expanding European population eager to occupy the principal harbours and agricultural land in Nova Scotia and an indigenous people, who, despite their numeric inferiority, attempted to retain possession of their lands (Courtesy of "Mi’maq Land in Southwestern Nova Scotia 1771-1823" by Bill Wicken, Making Adjustments Planter Series no. 2)

Information courtesy of the Kings County Museum archives

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